THE CURTAIN FALLS ON THE PRESS AND PRESIDENCY RELATIONSHIP—BARROW GOES BERSERK – LamToro News

For 25 years, The Daily Observer stood resilient, weathering storms that may have sunk even the mightiest newspapers in locations like imperial Russia, the place the Tsarist regime shut down publications with brutal regularity, or in revolutionary France, the place pamphleteers had been imprisoned for daring to criticize the state. Much like these within the early days of Fleet Street or the clandestine newspapers of Weimar Germany, The Daily Observer fought on, publishing in an surroundings the place the very act of reporting may invite retribution. Its pages, just like the defiant underground presses of Franco’s Spain or apartheid-era South Africa, held inside them the heartbeat of resistance, a fact too daring to be silenced. And but, regardless of the fixed risk of state retaliation, the paper continued, standing as an emblem of defiance and a tribute to the resilience of the press.

For the journalists who labored at The Daily Observer, particularly throughout the darkest years of Yahya Jammeh’s brutal dictatorship, the battle without spending a dime speech was not only a metaphor—it was a life-and-death wrestle. Editors and reporters weren’t merely censored—they had been pursued, arrested, tortured, and deported with the ruthless effectivity of a state decided to suppress each dissenting voice. Jammeh, very like Stalin’s NKVD or Pinochet’s secret police, led a campaign in opposition to the press, rounding up overseas journalists just like the illustrious Sule Musa, deporting them as in the event that they had been harmful revolutionaries. And when expelling overseas correspondents didn’t quench his thirst for management, Jammeh turned his sights on Gambian-born journalists. Baba Galleh Jallow, a son of Farafenni and as soon as the top boy at Gambia High School, narrowly escaped deportation after being mistaken for a foreigner in a farcical episode of state paranoia. It was the absurdity of despotism at its best—the place even your nationality might be questioned by the regime in its frenzy to manage the narrative.

Inside The Observer’s newsroom, the ambiance was charged with the strain of a conflict zone, the place the straightforward act of reporting turned a subversive strike in opposition to the iron fist of the state. Journalists operated underneath the fixed risk of raids, arrests, and state-sponsored intimidation. Yet, just like the muckrakers of early Twentieth-century America or the daring writers of samizdat publications in Soviet Russia, the journalists at The Daily Observer remained unbowed. They had seen the worst the regime may throw at them, from secret police interrogations to the shuttering of their workplaces. So, when Barrow’s administration took over, many seasoned reporters thought it was simply one other spherical of political theater—a brand new regime flexing its muscle tissues. After all, that they had outlasted Jammeh—what may Barrow’s authorities probably do this they hadn’t already survived?

But Barrow’s ways had been subtler, much less overt, however no much less efficient. This wasn’t the period of secret police and midnight knocks on the door. Instead, Barrow’s administration wielded the weapons of monetary suffocation and bureaucratic strangulation with the precision of a seasoned autocrat. The assault wasn’t about arrests or disappearances—it was about tax payments, regulatory fines, and authorized notices. What Jammeh couldn’t obtain by way of drive, Barrow sought to perform by way of paperwork and monetary destroy. Like the quietly insidious authorized warfare waged by Nixon’s administration in opposition to the Washington Post throughout the Watergate scandal, Barrow’s authorities used forms to strangle The Observer out of existence with out ever firing a shot.

For the battle-worn journalists, this was a brand new form of conflict. It wasn’t fought within the streets or with megaphones—it was a conflict waged behind the closed doorways of administrative workplaces, the place ledgers and tax codes changed handcuffs and riot police. So, what had began as a hopeful new daybreak for democracy underneath Barrow shortly morphed into one other chapter of press repression, this time cloaked within the well mannered language of fiscal accountability and legalistic process. The struggle for The Daily Observer was removed from over, however the battlefield had modified, and the enemy now wore the face of bureaucratic effectivity fairly than navy dictatorship.

The fall of The Daily Observer was a watershed second in Gambian media, marking a profound shift within the dynamics of the press. Founded in 1992 by the esteemed Liberian journalist Kenneth Best, the paper had lengthy stood as a torchlight of fearless journalism, exposing corruption and talking fact to energy with the form of boldness that solely the actually impartial can afford. But the tide started to show in 1999 when Kenneth Best offered The Observer to Amadou Samba, a businessman firmly ensconced in Jammeh’s interior circle. Much like Hearst’s buy of main newspapers within the early Twentieth century, this wasn’t merely a enterprise deal—it was the start of the top for the paper’s editorial independence.

The shadow of Jammeh shortly unfold over the once-independent Observer, reworking it from a vibrant, important voice into little greater than a mouthpiece for the regime. Journalists who had constructed their reputations on integrity and braveness—folks like Baba Galleh Jallow, Demba Ali Jawo, Alieu Badara Sowe and Pa Nderry Mbai—had been swiftly dismissed in a purge that despatched shockwaves by way of the media panorama. The newsroom that had as soon as been a bastion of press freedom turned a state-controlled megaphone, with each phrase scrutinized and sanitized by the regime’s ever-watchful eye. Like the nice purges of important voices in Weimar Germany, The Observer’s transformation was swift and devastating.

Despite its fall from grace, The Daily Observer remained a significant participant in Gambian media. But when Yahya Jammeh was lastly ousted, the paper’s destiny was sealed, very like a Greek tragedy the place the hero’s downfall is sealed by the lack of divine favor. No longer shielded by the regime it had as soon as supported, The Observer turned susceptible to the identical ways it had helped implement. In June 2017, the Gambia Revenue Authority closed the paper’s doorways, citing an unpaid tax invoice of 17 million dalasis. But few believed the official story. Much just like the closure of The Times underneath Margaret Thatcher’s authorities throughout the Wapping dispute, this was about energy, not cash. The demand for a direct 30% settlement of the invoice was monetary warfare, designed to make sure the paper’s demise.

On June 14, 2017, The Daily Observer was shuttered, its workplaces sealed, and tons of of workers left with out jobs. The administration’s provide to settle the debt over twenty years was rejected out of hand, a transparent signal that the closure had nothing to do with taxes and all the things to do with silencing a possible risk to the brand new political order. The ways had been new, however the final result was the identical—The Observer, as soon as the titan of Gambian journalism, was no extra.

What was maybe most unsettling was the silence from the remainder of the media. The Gambian Press Union issued a light assertion, however there was no collective outcry, no present of solidarity. Some media shops even noticed The Observer’s demise as a possibility to develop their very own affect—a short-sighted transfer that ignored the broader implications of the federal government’s actions. Like the fracturing of Fleet Street when The News of the World fell in scandal, the Gambian media didn’t see that the autumn of 1 paper weakened the whole ecosystem.

The ripple impact was rapid. Journalists throughout the nation took notice: if The Daily Observer may fall, none of them had been protected. Self-censorship unfold like wildfire, as media shops already depending on authorities promoting income grew much more cautious. Where as soon as daring reporting had been the hallmark of Gambian journalism, warning and timidity now dominated the day. The closure of The Observer was a stark reminder that even in a post-Jammeh Gambia, press freedom was fragile, and the federal government’s grip on the media was removed from loosened.

More troubling was how the paper was not solely betrayed by its sister newspapers, however by its personal little children—the journalists who as soon as labored there, constructed their careers, and established their fortunes. These journalists, who owed a lot of their success to the crucible that was The Daily Observer, turned a blind eye and maintained tight lips because the mighty paper was dropped at its knees. It was as if the closure of this media big was an act of divine will, when actually, it was the results of human neglect.

The closure of The Daily Observer wasn’t simply the top of a newspaper—it was the start of a brand new period of media monopolization. Fewer shops now managed the narrative, and the variety of thought that had as soon as outlined the press started to shrink. Other publications might have celebrated their elevated market share, however they didn’t see the larger image: the elimination of The Observer weakened the whole press panorama. The media turned ripe for manipulation, because the remaining shops confronted the identical monetary and political pressures that had led to The Observer’s demise.

Long earlier than the Gambian authorities even entertained the considered establishing a faculty of journalism, The Daily Observer had already cemented its place because the veritable cathedral of Gambian journalism, functioning as a de facto academy for journalists. It wasn’t merely a newsroom—it was a classroom, shaping the following technology of journalists, writers, and students with hands-on expertise and mentorship. The newsroom, helmed by seasoned editors who doubled as mentors, welcomed not solely educated journalists but in addition aspiring writers—college students with a ardour for the written phrase. It was a sanctuary for the curious, the daring, and the stressed—a spot the place the spark of inquiry was nurtured and reworked into the hearth of journalism.

Young skills like Baboucarr Ann, Rohey Samba,  Bamba Khan, Bankole Thompson, Sheriff Bojang Jr., and Simon Peter Mendy all began writing for The Observer whereas they had been nonetheless in highschool or center faculty. And in contrast to at this time’s internship fashions, which frequently exploit younger expertise without spending a dime, The Observer paid its contributors handsomely, recognizing that good journalism deserves good compensation. The paper, like the nice publications of Victorian England, understood that fostering expertise was not solely about alternative but in addition about equity.

This paper was the bedrock upon which a lot of at this time’s distinguished media figures constructed their careers. Momodou Musa Touray, now the writer of Gambiana; Sheriff Bojang, the writer of The Standard; Assan Sallah, the writer of LamToro News; and Bankole Thompson, the writer of The PuLSE Institute, a Detroit-based, impartial non-partisan assume tank—all of them are merchandise of The Daily Observer. Today, these males now maintain the levers of energy in Gambian and worldwide media, persevering with the custom of journalism they honed at The Observer. Their rise to prominence within the media panorama speaks volumes in regards to the coaching and alternatives The Observer offered to younger journalists, providing them a platform from which they may develop into business leaders.

Beyond the media realm, the impression of The Daily Observer has reverberated throughout many sectors of Gambian society. Countless former staffers of the paper at the moment are making waves in a variety of fields, from politics to academia, legislation, and public service. Take, for instance, Yankuba Darboe, the present Chairman of the Brikama Area Council, whose time at The Observer sharpened his expertise in public communication and administration. His rise in native authorities is a mirrored image of the far-reaching affect the paper had in shaping minds able to main and influencing communities.

In the authorized discipline, we have now Lawyer Alhagie Abdoulie Fatty, one other former Observer journalist, who has carved out a major presence in Gambian legislation, representing high-profile instances and advocating for justice. Fatty’s journey from the newsroom to the courtroom exemplifies how the abilities of important considering, analysis, and evaluation honed at The Observer can translate into efficient authorized advocacy and management. His transition from writing headlines to defending the downtrodden in courtrooms remembers the transformation of the traditional Greek orators—assume Demosthenes—whose rhetorical prowess and dedication to justice influenced the course of historical past.

Academia, too, is house to Observer alumni. Dr. Ebrima Ceesay, now a revered professor on the University of Birmingham, is one other product of the paper’s rigorous journalistic surroundings. His scholarly contributions and his work in educating the following technology of thinkers and leaders will be traced again to the foundations he constructed throughout his time at The Observer. His colleague, Dr. Baba Galleh Jallow, has additionally made his mark, contributing to the mental panorama each in The Gambia and overseas. Much like the traditional Athenian academies, The Observer was a modern-day Agora, the place debates, concepts, and important thought flourished.

One can not assist however draw parallels with Fleet Street in its heyday, when it wasn’t only a hub for journalism however a breeding floor for intellectuals, reformers, and future statesmen. Just as figures like Charles Dickens, who started as a Fleet Street journalist, went on to form British literary and social thought, so too have the graduates of The Daily Observer moved past the confines of journalism to affect legislation, politics, and scholarship. The Observer’s newsroom was akin to a crucible of expertise, the place uncooked potential was refined into the very leaders shaping modern-day Gambia.

The record of distinguished alumni doesn’t cease there. The Daily Observer nurtured a wealth of expertise that has dispersed into numerous sectors, with former staffers contributing to enterprise, schooling, and civil society. The paper was not only a media establishment; it was a coaching floor for excellence, instilling in its employees a way of accountability, important considering, and a dedication to fact and repair that transcended journalism. As the Greek thinker Heraclitus as soon as mused, “Character is destiny”—the Observer cast character in its employees, and their collective destinies now play out on nationwide and worldwide levels.

And but, regardless of their successes, the closure of The Observer handed with little greater than muted murmurs. These alumni of The Observer, a lot of whom now wield vital affect, may have banded collectively to rally for its survival, to problem the federal government’s resolution, or at the very least make sure the dignity of the paper’s closure. But there was no grand protection mounted, no vital effort to struggle again.

To compound issues, whereas The Daily Observer was shuttered and its employees left unpaid, the federal government’s actions had been cloaked in a veneer of legality. The argument was that the paper owed taxes—however the quantity cited was not sufficient to justify the indefinite grounding of such an important media establishment. Activists comparable to Madi Jobarteh, who at the moment are vocal in regards to the ongoing standoff between President Barrow and The Voice, ought to be reminded that The Observer deserved no much less of a protection than The Voice does at this time. In reality, The Observer deserved it extra, as they had been victims in a conflict not of their making, whereas a few of The Voice’s troubles are self-inflicted.

The failure to defend The Observer was not only a failure of the media; it was a failure of Gambian society to face up for one in every of its key establishments. The very paper that educated so many journalists, constructed so many careers, and have become a voice for the folks, was left to die, not as a result of it deserved to, however as a result of those that may have fought for it selected to not. It was a betrayal of the very best order, a reminder that within the cutthroat world of media, even the mightiest can fall if these they helped elevate flip their backs on the essential second.

In the ultimate evaluation, the closure of The Daily Observer was greater than only a blow to the press—it was a blow to Gambian democracy itself. Without a free and impartial press, corruption thrives, energy goes unchecked, and the persons are left unvoiced within the face of injustice.

Then got here a twist of irony so bitter that it left many shaking their heads. Not lengthy after the closure of The Daily Observer, The Standard, one of many nation’s main newspapers, awarded its prestigious ‘Man of the Year’ title to the very determine whose establishment had overseen the shutdown of The Daily Observer. This resolution surprised the media group, because the award went to the top of the Gambia Revenue Authority (GRA), the very company chargeable for implementing the closure. The Standard, in its celebratory piece, praised the awardee for his dedication to nationwide growth and dedication to fiscal accountability. Nowhere within the glowing accolades was there any point out of the tons of of jobs misplaced or the harm executed to press freedom by way of the closure of the nation’s largest newspaper.

For many, the choice to award such an honor to somebody so carefully linked to the suppression of The Daily Observer felt like a betrayal of journalistic rules. It was a stark reminder that the media was not proof against the identical political and financial pressures that had lengthy formed different sectors. The award ceremony was held with pomp and circumstance, attended by the nation’s political and enterprise elite. Speeches had been made, and toasts had been raised, all whereas the ghost of The Daily Observer loomed giant over the proceedings. The very establishment that had silenced a significant voice in Gambian journalism was being celebrated, whereas these left jobless and unvoiced by the paper’s closure watched in surprised disbelief.

Simply put, The Standard newspaper’s baffling option to crown Yankuba Darboe, the Commissioner General of the GRA, with the very best accolade a newspaper may provide, was the peak of absurdity. Here was a person presiding over a company that had grow to be synonymous with corruption and bureaucratic buffoonery. What on earth had been the standards? Was it the effectivity of his spin machine or the depth of his promoting funds? How many dalasis did the GRA pour into The Standard’s coffers to safe this honor? The scenario was eerily paying homage to the practices described by David Simon in Homicide: A Year on the Killing Streets, the place native politicians purchased favorable protection from cash-strapped newspapers. The same case will be seen in post-Soviet Russia, the place media moguls near the Kremlin have been recognized to orchestrate awards and accolades to authorities officers in change for favorable protection, thereby eroding the very rules of impartial journalism.

The absurdity of the scenario wasn’t misplaced on the general public or the journalistic group. It revealed the widening hole between the beliefs of the press and the fact of its operations in The Gambia. The awarding of a ‘Man of the Year’ title to somebody so entangled with the destruction of The Daily Observer was not simply an insult to the occupation, however a sobering acknowledgment that even the press might be purchased and offered, its ethical compass thrown off track by political and monetary expediency. This occasion left a deep stain on Gambian journalism, elevating uncomfortable questions in regards to the function of the media in a post-Jammeh Gambia, and whether or not it was actually free, or just reshaped to serve a brand new set of masters. The case is paying homage to Mexico’s Manuel Buendía case, the place investigative journalists had been killed or silenced, and the federal government honored figures of authority who performed a task within the suppression of press freedom. Awards had been used as instruments to cleanse reputations, leaving the general public disillusioned and the journalistic group demoralized.

Ultimately, this recognition by The Standard symbolized a disturbing normalization of state affect over the press. Rather than standing as an establishment that held energy to account, the media appeared more and more complicit in bolstering these very forces that sought to silence it. It wasn’t simply the closure of The Daily Observer that was troubling—it was the rising sense that the whole media panorama had grow to be a mere extension of the identical political equipment that when crushed dissent. This second set a harmful precedent, one through which the press, as soon as the guardian of democracy, was slowly being became its personal gravedigger. As seen in Turkey underneath President Erdoğan, the place once-thriving impartial media shops had been systematically shut down or co-opted into state-run propaganda machines, the parallels had been stark. The Gambia now dangers heading down the identical path, the place press freedom exists solely in title, whereas the media quietly succumbs to political affect and financial pressures. The once-vibrant journalistic panorama is in peril, because the grip of energy tightens across the throat of free expression.

Chapter 3: Echo Chambers of Power

In any thriving democracy, the press serves as an indispensable watchdog—a important drive able to illuminating the darkest corners of governmental malfeasance and holding the highly effective accountable. Journalists, armed with pen and paper—or at this time, digital units—are anticipated to delve deep into the machinations of energy, exposing corruption, injustice, and the varied illnesses that plague society. However, in The Gambia, this noble superb has been laid to relaxation, smothered beneath the burden of complacency and co-optation. The media panorama has metamorphosed right into a lamentable tableau the place newspapers merely regurgitate sanitized narratives churned out by the federal government’s public relations machine or, worse, fabricate tales out of skinny air, counting on phantom sources.

In reality, the final seven years have witnessed an alarming decline in critical investigative journalism in The Gambia, as many editors, reporters, and publishers proceed to money in by promoting out as an alternative of promoting  tales. When was the final time a Gambian minister felt the sweat of panic on the mere point out of their title in print? When was the final time a newspaper headline despatched shivers down the backbone of these occupying the corridors of energy? The reply, regrettably, is that such moments have grow to be relics of the previous. Today, it’s not the federal government trembling in concern of an investigative headline; it’s the press itself that appears paralyzed, tiptoeing across the fact as if it owes its loyalty to these in energy. The watchdog has grow to be the handmaiden of the very system it was meant to maintain in verify. Ministers who as soon as feared the wrath of the press now stroll confidently by way of the corridors of energy, figuring out full effectively that the media has been neutered. In different phrases, the roles have reversed—the federal government now not shivers on the considered the press; fairly, the press appears terrified to poke the hornet’s nest of energy, performing as if its survival relies on preserving these it ought to scrutinize firmly out of its crosshairs.

It is a well-established reality in political science that the media performs a pivotal function in shaping public opinion. What the general public is aware of and believes is basically decided by what the press chooses to report—or, more and more, what it chooses to not report. This is the essence of agenda-setting idea: the ability to inform folks not what to assume, however what to consider. The function of the press in a democratic society is to function a platform for numerous viewpoints and to foster a strong change of concepts. Citizens ought to have free entry to the press to change concepts, and views ought to be open to scrutiny as a result of that’s how civil society thrives. Yet, of their dealing with of public debate, mainstream Gambian publications comparable to The Standard, The Point, The Voice, and FOROYAA have successfully functioned as echo chambers, selectively amplifying the voices of sure people whereas systematically excluding various viewpoints.

This editorial censorship has stifled the plurality of voices that’s the lifeblood of any vibrant journalistic panorama. It’s as if to look within the native press, one should possess not only a sound argument but in addition a secret handshake and the approval of editorial overlords. Whether as a result of bias, favoritism, or a reluctance to disturb the fastidiously curated mental established order, the result’s a monopoly of concepts the place solely choose voices are amplified. This creates an mental bubble that fosters a false sense of invincibility—an surroundings the place critique is unwelcome and dissenting voices are systematically excluded. We’ve seen related points in Britain, the place The Guardian has been accused of selling sure political narratives whereas sidelining others. Gambian media appears to be following this path, buying and selling mental range for a snug however stagnant mental surroundings.

For years, native newspapers have revealed the musings of self-proclaimed intellectuals, shielding them from the form of rigorous scrutiny that’s important for the expansion of concepts. Any try to supply well-reasoned rejoinders aimed toward dismantling these flawed narratives has been conveniently sidelined, by no means seeing the sunshine of day. This follow mirrors what George Orwell warned in opposition to in Animal Farm: a media surroundings the place sure voices are “more equal than others.” It’s not nearly bias; it’s in regards to the erosion of a market of concepts, leaving readers to just accept a slim and unchallenged narrative. By shutting down strong debate and limiting the scope of mental engagement, the media has betrayed its obligation to the general public. They’ve turned the media panorama right into a curated platform for the few, leaving readers clutching at straws for a shred of real journalism.

This is the place the shadow of Dr. Assan Jallow looms giant. His long-winded, typically incoherent ramblings are given pleasure of place within the very newspapers that ought to be holding his concepts to account. It’s not that his concepts are significantly dangerous; it’s that they’re seldom, if ever, challenged. His current articles on Dr. Mamadou Tangara had been initially revealed in The Standard, which, as a accountable outlet, ought to have been the primary to supply house for a proper of reply to anybody wishing to counter his arguments. Yet, for some purpose, The Standard seems reluctant to publish any counterarguments, virtually as if they’re shielding these mediocre intellectuals behind some type of editorial safety—akin to paying a form of “intellectual protection fee.” In this, the state of Gambian journalism is paying homage to the darker days of British tabloid journalism, the place the likes of Richard Desmond, along with his scandal-plagued tenure on the Daily Express, turned the media right into a playground for the well-heeled and well-connected. The complete affair reeks of a pay-for-play racket, a betrayal of journalistic rules the place protection will be purchased, and editorial stances are up on the market. How can they name themselves impartial after they’re extra involved with taking part in favorites than with serving the general public good? This transformation of journalism right into a commodity is precisely what Evelyn Waugh satirized in Scoop, a novel that mocks the absurdities of a press extra desirous about promoting than serving. The Gambian media appears to have embraced Waugh’s satire as a playbook, turning their pages into marketplaces the place fact is negotiable.

Dr. Assan Jallow and most of the so-called Gambian intellectuals are prime merchandise of this surroundings. Scholars who’ve grown accustomed to having their work revealed unchallenged are insulated from the peer evaluate course of that may in any other case expose the obvious flaws of their reasoning. In situations the place these so-called students, like Dr. Jallow, make obvious errors or espouse questionable arguments, the mainstream media’s lack of accountability mechanisms ensures that such errors go uncorrected, additional entrenching the misunderstanding that their work is past reproach. In the previous, people like Dr. Jallow had been in a position to bask within the glow of unearned mental reverence—not as a result of their concepts had been significantly insightful, however as a result of the chance to critique and problem their work was systematically denied. Their voices dominated the general public sphere just because opposing voices had been silenced by editors who appeared intent on sustaining an mental hierarchy the place solely a choose few loved the privilege of being unassailable. This created a stagnant mental panorama the place critique was not solely discouraged however actively suppressed, leading to a one-sided discourse devoid of the dynamism and vibrancy that true debate brings.

Evidently, there’s an underlying “pay-to-play” dynamic at work, the place monetary incentives, fairly than the advantage of concepts, typically decide who will get revealed. This has created an mental market the place visibility and affect are usually not earned by way of rigorous scholarship however bought by way of financial means. Such practices undermine the credibility of those media shops and contribute to the proliferation of unchallenged, substandard mental content material.

But all is just not misplaced. The progress of impartial on-line platforms is starting to crack the muse of this journalistic charade. These digital Davids, armed with laptops and a want for fact, are difficult the Goliath of mainstream complacency. They’re doing what the standard press has didn’t do—holding the highly effective to account, giving voice to the unvoiced, and daring to inform the tales that others are too timid to the touch. They’re the digital pamphleteers of our time, carrying on the legacy of Thomas Paine, who knew that “the pen is mightier than the sword” solely when it’s not offered to the very best bidder.

These digital shops, devoted to selling open debate and numerous views, are exposing the shortcomings of established figures like Dr. Jallow. For the primary time, Gambian readers are being introduced with a extra balanced mental panorama, the place various viewpoints are usually not solely heard but in addition critically engaged with. This shift is steadily dismantling the phantasm of mental authority that people like Dr. Jallow have lengthy loved, subjecting their concepts to the rigorous scrutiny they’ve beforehand evaded.

This rising development is reflective of the grand custom of mental inquiry that has formed human thought from Classical Greece to the Enlightenment period. From the times of Classical Greece, intellectuals like Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle championed the worth of debate, purpose, and—most significantly—the scrutiny of concepts by way of peer evaluate. It was their agency perception that fact may solely be uncovered by way of rigorous examination and dialogue, the place no thought was thought-about too sacred or inviolable to be questioned. Socrates, along with his relentless dialectical methodology, engaged his interlocutors in a quest for clearer understanding, at all times urging them towards higher mental humility. Plato’s Republic epitomizes this course of, presenting competing arguments that develop the boundaries of data by way of rigorous debate. Aristotle, to not be outdone, established the Lyceum, the place mental change was not a monologue however a classy dialectic—one which sharpened the minds of all who participated.

Fast-forward to the Enlightenment, and we see philosophers comparable to Voltaire, Rousseau, and Kant carrying forth the torch of purpose, championing free debate to not destroy the views of others, however to refine and develop one’s personal concepts by way of strong critique. Rousseau’s quarrels along with his contemporaries over the character of human society and Voltaire’s relentless advocacy without spending a dime speech had been rooted within the conviction that solely by way of contestation may fact be pursued. Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason is an everlasting testomony to the worth of difficult and interrogating acquired knowledge. The methodology of peer evaluate—inviting scrutiny to make sure no argument stands untested—has been the linchpin of mental progress for hundreds of years. It is that this spirit of rigorous inquiry that sustains the development of human thought.

The emergence of impartial media in The Gambia is thus a return to those elementary rules of mental engagement. By breaking the monopoly of mainstream shops and permitting a plurality of voices to be heard, these new platforms are reviving the classical custom of open debate and important inquiry. They are guaranteeing that no thought stays past scrutiny and that the reality, nevertheless inconvenient, is pursued by way of rigorous examination. In this new surroundings, figures like Dr. Jallow can now not depend on unchallenged platforms to uphold their mental stature; they have to now interact with their critics and refine their concepts by way of the very course of that has traditionally propelled human information ahead.

The democratization of data by way of on-line media has leveled the taking part in discipline, making it more and more tough for mainstream shops to proceed their exclusionary practices. In this revitalized mental panorama, all concepts—no matter their supply—should stand up to public critique and debate. As a end result, the Gambian mental group is starting to interrupt free from the constraints of media gatekeeping, paving the way in which for a extra vibrant and dynamic change of concepts that honors the timeless custom of inquiry from Classical Greece to the Enlightenment.

So, let’s not child ourselves. The mainstream media in The Gambia isn’t about serving the general public good; it’s about serving its personal pursuits, peddling affect whereas pretending to champion the frequent man. The actual heroes are these within the new media, those that dare to problem the narratives, who refuse to be purchased off or intimidated. And it’s excessive time the Gambian public stood behind them, as a result of the true battle isn’t between Barrow and the media—it’s between a press that serves itself and a press that serves the folks. While the challenges are substantial, the emergence of a extra numerous and impartial media panorama provides hope that The Gambia can transfer past the darkish days of data management and in the direction of a future the place the press genuinely serves the general public curiosity.

Chapter 4: Journalism vs Churnalism  

In at this time’s fast-paced media surroundings, the pursuit of revenue has overtaken the pursuit of fact. Journalism, as soon as seen as a noble endeavor to tell, educate and entertain, has more and more been lowered to “churnalism”—a time period popularized by Nick Davies to explain the follow of recycling press releases and superficial content material rather than unique investigative reporting. This course of has reworked information right into a commodity, pushed not by the necessity to maintain energy accountable however by the necessity to entice clicks, advertisers, and income streams.

The rise of “churnalism” has grow to be a defining characteristic of the Gambian press underneath President Adama Barrow’s dispensation. Under stress to supply content material shortly and often, journalists have more and more relied on ready-made tales offered by authorities companies, NGOs, and company entities. This development displays a broader world sample the place newsrooms have lowered their investigative capability, focusing as an alternative on amount over high quality.

The function of the reporter, as soon as seen because the frontline investigator who holds energy accountable, has been relegated to that of a conveyor of pre-packaged data. Editors, who ought to act as gatekeepers guaranteeing the accuracy and integrity of tales, now face immense pressures from advertisers and publishers to prioritize income over hard-hitting journalism. As a end result, the symbiotic relationship between the press and the general public has weakened, with the general public left with little greater than sanitized content material that skirts round actual points.

At its core, newspapers are supposed to serve the general public by offering well timed, correct data on native, nationwide, and worldwide occasions, preserving residents knowledgeable on important points comparable to politics, economics, and tradition. This operate helps the general public keep engaged with the world round them, reinforcing democracy by way of a well-informed citizens. Newspapers function a key establishment in any functioning democracy, bridging the hole between these in energy and the folks. Advertisers, nevertheless, typically exert vital affect, resulting in self-censorship and the dilution of investigative journalism that might upset industrial relationships. Publishers, involved with circulation numbers and income, generally push editors to favor sensationalist or trivial tales over in-depth reporting. As Walter Lippmann emphasised in his seminal work Public Opinion (1922), the media performs a pivotal function in shaping public perceptions and discourse, but the editorial independence crucial to satisfy this function has more and more been compromised.

A elementary function of the press is to behave as a watchdog, uncovering corruption, abuse of energy, and societal injustices by way of investigative journalism. Globally, the press has typically been a cornerstone in holding governments accountable. The well-known investigative work of Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein throughout the Watergate scandal, for instance, proved how important journalism will be in defending democracy (All the President’s Men, 1974). In The Gambia, nevertheless, investigative journalism has virtually totally disappeared, reflecting a disturbing retreat from the press’s most important operate. The editorial hierarchy—ranging from reporters and passing by way of sub-editors and senior editors—has grow to be extra inclined to pursue protected, uncontroversial tales that align with the pursuits of highly effective stakeholders. This systemic failure is compounded by house owners and publishers who prioritize sustaining political and company alliances over championing journalistic integrity. As such, as an alternative of exposing wrongdoings, the media has allowed itself to be co-opted by the very programs it ought to be scrutinizing.

Another essential operate of the press is to coach the general public. Through considerate, well-researched evaluation, newspapers ought to present readers with the historic and social context crucial to know main occasions. John Hersey’s Hiroshima (1946), for instance, is a trademark of how journalism can enlighten the general public on world points. Yet in The Gambia, newspapers typically fail to offer this degree of depth, opting as an alternative for surface-level reporting devoid of the mandatory background or important examination. The academic function of the press is particularly essential in a creating democracy like The Gambia, the place entry to balanced, informative reporting is important for civic engagement. Editors, who ought to information the narrative and form public understanding, now prioritize clickbait or sensationalism over well-rounded evaluation. Advertisers, too, exert undue affect by dictating what tales are advised, additional eroding the press’s academic mandate.

Newspapers additionally historically function platforms for public notices, authorized bulletins, obituaries, and classifieds. While typically ignored, these sections present important group data. Nick Davies, in his ebook Flat Earth News (2008), emphasizes the significance of native information in fostering group engagement. However, the rising commodification of stories has diluted the press’s give attention to community-centric reporting, sidelining essential public service bulletins in favor of sensationalism. This shift has left a vacuum within the media’s function as a bridge between the federal government and the general public, significantly in native affairs. Editors, as soon as the curators of balanced content material, have more and more deferred to industrial pursuits, sidelining the extra mundane however important elements of group reporting. Publishers and advertisers, searching for greater income, typically push for content material that attracts extra rapid consideration, ignoring the important civic function that newspapers ought to play.

Perhaps most disheartening is the erosion of the press’s function in facilitating public discourse. Newspapers are supposed to present a platform for debate and the free change of concepts by way of editorials, opinion columns, and letters to the editor. By presenting numerous viewpoints, they contribute to a extra knowledgeable citizenry. The editorial sections, which ought to be the battleground for competing concepts, have more and more grow to be echo chambers, reflecting solely the views of those that maintain energy. In The Gambia, political polarization has infiltrated newsrooms, the place dissenting opinions are both watered down or silenced altogether. This failure stems from a reluctance amongst editors and publishers to problem the established order or danger alienating politically highly effective figures. In permitting this to occur, the press has compromised its accountability to nurture a strong democratic debate, thereby leaving the general public with out a significant discussion board for civic engagement.

Collectively, these failures reveal how the Gambian press has not solely misplaced its approach however has contributed to its personal decline. Instead of serving as fearless watchdogs of democracy, newspapers have grow to be entangled with the very programs of energy they’re supposed to carry accountable. This entanglement has compromised editorial independence, resulting in a media panorama the place fact and integrity take a backseat to monetary and political pursuits. Reporters at the moment are beholden to editors who, in flip, are guided by advertisers and publishers targeted on revenue fairly than journalistic requirements. Without a concerted effort to reclaim journalistic integrity and independence, the media will proceed to spiral downward, leaving the Gambian public misinformed and disenfranchised. A vibrant, free press is important for any democratic society, however in The Gambia, the press appears extra desirous about defending its pursuits than serving the folks.

The legacy of Joseph Pulitzer provides a poignant distinction to the present state of journalism in The Gambia. Pulitzer, the Hungarian-born journalist who revolutionized American journalism, believed that newspapers mustn’t solely inform the general public however function devices of social change and accountability. His creation of The New York World exemplified his imaginative and prescient, utilizing daring headlines and fearless exposés to seize public consideration whereas selling fact and justice. Pulitzer’s newsroom was guided by strict editorial requirements, guaranteeing that each story, no matter its potential industrial attraction, was correct and impactful. His emphasis on “Accuracy!” turned the bedrock of accountable journalism, reminding us that the last word obligation of the press is to serve the general public curiosity. His method laid the muse for what we now know as the trendy press, for higher or worse. In The Gambia, nevertheless, this guideline has been changed by a profit-driven agenda, the place editorial choices are dictated extra by advertisers and publishers than by a dedication to fact and accountability.

Chapter 5: Government Handouts

To be a journalist, one should not solely be dedicated to uncovering the reality but in addition be prepared to endure the hardships that always accompany such a vocation. True journalism is just not a occupation of luxurious; it’s one in every of sacrifice. A real journalist is undistracted by the attract of wealth and proof against the temptations of energy, as their dedication lies with a better function—the pursuit of an unvarnished fact. The calling requires a deliberate resistance to the shine of fabric comforts, to withstand being seduced by incentives that may compromise one’s values. For a journalist with integrity, the reality can’t be bartered for monetary safety or fleeting status. Instead, they should be prepared to face agency of their rules, even when it means forgoing the conveniences and comforts that others readily chase. The true journalist embraces the challenges, stays steadfast of their dedication to the general public curiosity, and resolutely refuses to let their voice be purchased or silenced by these in energy.

However, the beliefs of journalistic integrity have been severely undermined in The Gambia for the reason that regime change of 2017. Financial incentives, authorities handouts, and secret dealings have steadily ensnared Gambian journalists, eroding the independence of the press and turning it right into a software of energy fairly than a verify on authority.

With the brand new administration got here the delicate but insidious follow of monetary dependency. Media shops that had struggled throughout the dictatorship now noticed a possibility for stability by way of authorities help. Initially, this appeared like a much-needed reduction—a possibility to rebuild, to strengthen, and to thrive in a brand new democratic period. Yet, this monetary lifeline quickly became a shackle. Handouts got, not as benevolent gestures, however as a way to make sure compliance. Editorial independence was traded for monetary safety, and criticism of the federal government turned much less frequent, much less pointed, and ultimately, virtually absent. The watchdog had been tamed, and its bark softened to a whimper.

This compromise was not confined to overt transactions; it additionally manifested in additional covert methods. Media executives started to court docket the President himself, searching for monetary incentives in change for favorable protection. This was not journalism—it was public relations. What ought to have been a occupation marked by a rigorous pursuit of fact was lowered to one in every of transaction and self-preservation. The second these media leaders determined to method the federal government for funding, they crossed a line that undermined the core values of their occupation. The line between journalism and state propaganda turned blurred, with the press willingly echoing the federal government’s narratives in change for monetary stability.

The COVID-19 pandemic introduced these dynamics into even sharper focus. As the pandemic wreaked havoc on economies, the Gambian media—already weakened and financially susceptible—scrambled for presidency reduction funds. Journalists, as soon as tasked with holding energy to account, discovered themselves lining up for presidency help, and with that help got here expectations.  The acceptance of presidency handouts throughout the COVID-19 pandemic marked a turning level within the media’s fiscal and operational independence. From an financial standpoint, this may be understood by way of the lens of rent-seeking habits, the place media corporations, as an alternative of innovating or slicing operational inefficiencies, sought to extract rents from the state. This dependency on state funds creates a perverse incentive construction, through which media shops grow to be beholden to the federal government, decreasing their incentive to interact in investigative journalism or maintain political elites to account. In journalistic phrases, this compromises editorial independence, as financial pressures result in the softening of criticism and the pursuit of extra ‘palatable’ content material for state actors. Rent-seeking, on this context, undermines the aggressive spirit of journalism, resulting in homogenization of content material that aligns with state narratives. The failure to diversify income sources signifies that the media’s sustainability is at fixed danger, and their editorial traces could also be extra aligned with preserving entry to state sources fairly than upholding journalistic rules. This financial and ethical dependency additional erodes public confidence, as shoppers start to see the press as now not impartial however as state-aligned, compromising its function because the protector of the general public curiosity.

Perhaps probably the most egregious instance of this compromise got here with the key distribution of forty million dalasis to pick media shops, purportedly to fight disinformation. This funding, underneath the guise of noble intent, was actually an instrument of management. It was distributed to these media homes that had confirmed themselves compliant, those who had been prepared to align their editorial stance with the federal government’s pursuits. It was not about strengthening the media however about guaranteeing its loyalty. This selective help fostered a media cartel, the place a number of privileged voices dominated public discourse, whereas impartial and important shops had been systematically excluded from these monetary advantages. The range of thought that’s important to a wholesome democracy was stifled, changed by a refrain of compliance.

Fatou Touray, CEO of Kerr Fatou, has publicly lamented that her media outfit was denied authorities promoting funds, particularly as a result of it was seen as being too important of the Barrow administration and perceived as pro-United Democratic Party (UDP). Touray has highlighted how Kerr Fatou and different impartial media homes have been intentionally excluded from profitable authorities promoting alternatives, that are as an alternative reserved for media shops that align carefully with authorities narratives. She identified that the state’s refusal to promote along with her media outlet was a deliberate try and stifle dissent and management the stream of data. This exclusion, she argued, is a component of a bigger effort by the Barrow administration to marginalize important voices and be sure that state sources solely profit media organizations prepared to offer favorable protection. Such actions successfully punish impartial journalism, pushing important media to the fringes whereas rewarding loyalty to the federal government.

This blacklisting was allegedly enforced by way of covert directives to State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), instructing them to not place ads with Kerr Fatou. These directives had been reportedly conveyed by way of casual channels, with out official information, which added to the opacity of the method. Touray expressed deep disappointment within the president’s rhetoric and actions, describing them as a risk to press freedom. She argued that the federal government’s stance towards Kerr Fatou was an try and intimidate impartial media into silence and compliance.

Touray’s claims maintain greater than a grain of fact, as related transformations will be noticed inside different Gambian media shops. Notably, there’s an instance of a information community that, earlier than having access to authorities funding, was among the many staunchest critics of President Barrow’s administration. However, inside a number of brief years, as soon as this outlet had secured authorities help and entry to sources, its editorial tone shifted dramatically. What was as soon as a relentless stream of criticism became effusive reward, virtually as if orchestrated by an unseen hand.

This explicit media outlet, as soon as famend for its important stance in opposition to the Barrow administration, underwent one of the putting reversals within the historical past of Gambian journalism. The transformation was as sudden because it was conspicuous: a former critic had now grow to be one of many president’s most ardent supporters. Coverage that used to query each transfer of the administration was changed with sycophantic reporting, lauding the president’s actions with an enthusiasm that appeared virtually unnatural. It was as if the outlet had willingly traded its credibility for a snug relationship with these in energy.

One can not assist however wonder if there have been clandestine negotiations, covert agreements, or maybe even the change of ‘brown envelopes’ behind closed doorways. While such speculations stay within the realm of conjecture, the shift was unmistakable. What had as soon as been impartial, fearless journalism reworked into adulation that verged on state-sponsored propaganda. The abruptness of this transition was additional evidenced by the sight of the proprietress of this explicit information community now socializing with members of the First Family—photographed with beaming smiles at occasions extra paying homage to state pageantry than impartial journalism.

Advertising income, which may have been a way for these shops to keep up independence, additionally turned a mechanism of management. Lucrative authorities contracts had been awarded to media homes that towed the official line, whereas those that dared to stay important had been denied entry to such funding. This monetary stranglehold ensured that these media shops prepared to function authorities mouthpieces prospered, whereas those that sought to keep up journalistic integrity struggled. The press, which ought to function a verify on energy, was as an alternative collaborating within the very programs of patronage it ought to have been exposing.

The Gambia Press Union (GPU), which should be a paragon of journalistic ethics, failed to deal with these rising compromises. It allowed media homes to interact in these unethical practices with out consequence, resulting in the normalization of monetary dependency and the degradation of journalistic requirements. The lack of accountability from the GPU meant that compromised journalism turned the brand new norm, eroding public belief within the media. The press, as soon as seen as an impartial drive, now seemed to be little greater than a pawn within the broader recreation of political maneuvering.

The penalties of those compromises are far-reaching. Without an impartial press, the mechanisms of accountability that underpin democracy are weakened. The Gambian persons are left with out a dependable supply of data, with out a media that represents their pursuits or questions these in energy. The press, as soon as a pillar of Gambian democracy, has grow to be a software for the federal government—a way to manage the narrative and preserve energy with out scrutiny.

If the Gambian press is to regain its function as an impartial drive able to holding energy accountable, a elementary change is required. Media homes should break away from monetary dependencies on the federal government, diversify their income sources, and reassert their editorial independence. The GPU should take an energetic function in guaranteeing that journalistic requirements are upheld and that those that compromise the integrity of the press are held accountable. Only by way of such reforms can the press hope to reclaim its place as a cornerstone of democracy, serving the general public curiosity fairly than the pursuits of these in energy.

The questions surrounding the GPU’s issuance of press playing cards to its members elevate vital considerations about journalistic integrity and requirements in The Gambia. How can the GPU, in good conscience, present accreditation to people who appear to play either side—functioning as journalists whereas concurrently performing as PR representatives for the federal government or non-public pursuits? This twin function clearly compromises the important independence that ought to outline journalistic follow. The integrity of journalism is threatened when the boundaries between impartial reporting and promotional actions grow to be blurred.

It seems that the GPU has by no means penalized any journalist or media government for skilled misconduct all through its historical past. This absence of accountability means that the Union is just not implementing the requirements that should safeguard the credibility of journalism. There are journalists whose actions have clearly crossed moral traces, but they proceed to function with out dealing with any penalties. In different international locations, skilled misconduct in journalism, comparable to accepting bribes for favorable protection or spreading misinformation, would result in critical repercussions, together with expulsion from the press union or revocation of accreditation.

If the GPU is to uphold its credibility and preserve public belief in Gambian journalism, it should take a firmer stance on journalistic ethics. The Union mustn’t solely evaluate how accreditations are granted but in addition set up clear accountability mechanisms to deal with misconduct. Such measures are important for the event of a really impartial press that serves the general public fairly than non-public or political pursuits. Without these reforms, the credibility of the GPU and the integrity of the Gambian media will proceed to be questioned.

Chapter 6: The State House Visit

 Not way back, underneath the velvet skies of an April morning  that appeared to shimmer with promise, the State House doorways swung huge open to welcome a delegation of the Newspaper Publishers Association (NEPA). It was a scene that might have been pulled from the pages of historical Greek lore, the place grand halls held court docket to kings and philosophers, and the air itself appeared to hum with the burden of momentous issues. The ambiance, electrical but serene, draped itself over the gathering like a positive silk cloak. There had been smiles, shared glances, and laughter, as if the gods themselves had blessed the second with a uncommon ease. Cameras flashed, and dialog danced on the breeze like a melody lengthy forgotten.

One may need thought, for a fleeting second, that they had been witnessing one thing out of time—these moments in faraway kingdoms when queens knight their loyal topic or when Santa Claus himself may need strolled into the State House, not on Christmas Eve however on a winter’s night time of goals. The newspaper executives, in flip, approached the President for pictures, not in contrast to pilgrims searching for a blessing. One by one, they took their flip, grinning for the cameras as if that they had simply met a residing deity. There was one thing virtually childlike within the ritual, as if the burden of their world might be lifted with a mere contact of the presidential hand.

But beneath the mirth, beneath the feasting and the festivity, a quieter, extra somber notice lingered within the shadows. The morning’s coronary heart lay not within the photos or the plates however within the hushed dialog that adopted, the place the discuss turned to survival—of newspapers, of livelihoods, of voices. In a world tilting ever nearer to financial collapse, how may the press, already on the brink, be saved? And so, the phrases ‘subvention’ and ‘government advertisement’ had been handed across the room, brilliant as cash, glimmering with the promise of salvation. Yes, they went cap in hand, whining about subventions and authorities advertisements like a bunch of penny-counting bureaucrats.

Yet, as with all issues too unexpectedly sought, there was one thing lacking. For whereas the press chiefs spoke of cash, of the tangible burdens of their business, they left unstated the far higher menace—the traditional, rusted chains of press legal guidelines that had, for generations, hung heavy on the necks of journalists. Laws that stifled, legal guidelines that silenced. And of their eagerness to court docket the favor of the state, they forgot that it was not simply their coffers that wanted releasing, however their very souls.

Now, because the echoes of that fateful morning fade, the implications have come speeding again like a tide. The arrest and detention of The Voice editor and reporter have woke up cries from the identical press leaders who as soon as dined in complacency. But these cries now ring hole—too late, too empty, just like the final music of a chook whose wings have been clipped by its personal hand. Hypocrisy and remorse twine collectively, the two-headed serpent of missed alternative.

And so, the scene unfolds, not as a grand banquet however as a fable, the place these entrusted with freedom’s torch allowed it to dim in change for the fleeting glow of favor. Though after the go to, the native press reported that NEPA had a productive assembly with the president, however in addition to the picture alternative, what else was achieved? The media chiefs had been so dazzled by the chance to rub shoulders with energy that they fully forgot in regards to the journalists they declare to symbolize. Their giddy pleasure was palpable, like youngsters on a faculty journey to the State House—a lot in order that they couldn’t be bothered to problem the very legal guidelines which were weaponized in opposition to their colleagues.

Simply put, the current assertion by the NEPA calling on the police to drop expenses in opposition to journalists Musa Sheriff and Momodou Justice Darboe presents itself as a disingenuous try to look involved about press freedom in The Gambia. Yet, one can not ignore the obvious contradiction of their actions. When given the chance to fulfill with the president, as an alternative of championing the repeal of draconian legal guidelines that threaten the liberty of expression, NEPA selected to prioritize their very own monetary pursuits—discussing authorities subventions and promoting income, as if these had been probably the most urgent points.

Sure, Sam Sarr of FOROYAA made a token nod to the necessity for reform, particularly calling for the repeal of oppressive legal guidelines comparable to legal defamation and sedition. However, this was buried in a footnote, like an undesirable line merchandise in a funds report. After the assembly, there was a conspicuous lack of tangible follow-up—no makes an attempt to carry the federal government’s ft to the hearth to make sure the president delivered on his guarantees. As Sam Sarr himself talked about, the media can not thrive on the ephemeral goodwill of leaders; they want these lofty phrases codified into legislation to supply real safety. How totally naïve these press chiefs should be to imagine something the president proclaims about safeguarding journalists and selling freedom! If he had been genuinely dedicated, would he have dared to shutter The Daily Observer? This identical president, who has backpedaled on his guarantees like a dancer attempting to keep away from a misstep, reneged on his vow to serve simply three years earlier than extending his time period to 5—and now he’s eyeing a 3rd! This man is just not merely a politician; he’s a grasp of the grand phantasm, a conjurer of damaged guarantees wrapped in velvet rhetoric.

If Musa Sheriff had recognized that simply months after posing for these picture ops with the president, he would discover himself in court docket battling for his freedom, maybe he would have prioritized discussions about repealing these draconian legal guidelines over chasing promoting cash. And let’s not neglect Pap Saine, the managing editor of Point Newspaper, who, in a show of misplaced optimism, praised Barrow throughout the assembly for his alleged dedication to press freedom. He should be able to eat his phrases now, given the most recent lawsuit in opposition to The Voice and the relentless harassment from the police. The arrests, detention, and expenses in opposition to journalists at the moment are telling indicators of a police state. If journalists can not see this unfolding actuality, bless their hearts.

It is each baffling and deeply ironic that NEPA would now place its religion in the exact same Media Commission that one in every of its personal, Deyda Hydara, stood vehemently in opposition to. On 14 December 2004, two days earlier than his assassination, Hydara penned what would grow to be his closing article, a defiant name to problem the Media Commission Act. He acknowledged the act for what it was—a weapon aimed toward silencing dissent and tightening the federal government’s management over the press. The act’s provisions had been draconian: harsher legal penalties for defamation, exorbitant safety bonds required to determine a newspaper, and the pressured registration of journalists with a board, all underneath the guise of sustaining ‘professionalism.’

Hydara’s resistance was not nearly defending his livelihood; it was about safeguarding the liberty of the press and the general public’s proper to obtain impartial, uncensored data. For him, the Media Commission symbolized an existential risk to journalism in The Gambia. His assassination solely underscored the excessive stakes concerned in difficult such a legislation.

And but, quick ahead to at this time, NEPA seems to have deserted Hydara’s trigger, seemingly unperturbed by the Commission’s inherent risks. This shift in place raises critical questions: Why is NEPA now aligning with a construction that Hydara seen as a loss of life knell for press freedom? Has the lure of presidency ads and monetary stability clouded their judgment? It appears that, in its pursuit of survival, NEPA has conveniently forgotten the very rules that when outlined the group and its members. Hydara’s legacy, as soon as an emblem of journalistic braveness, now stands in stark distinction to NEPA’s acquiescence to a system he died opposing.

The proven fact that the Commission is headed by Neneh Macdouall-Gaye nullifies the whole premise of subscribing to such a physique. Her tenure as Minister of Information throughout Yahya Jammeh’s regime—a interval synonymous with the suppression of press freedom—casts a darkish cloud over her management on this capability. Gambian journalists who lived by way of the suffocating media restrictions of that period have each purpose to query her suitability to supervise a physique purportedly tasked with defending the identical freedoms she as soon as undermined. But plainly the native media chiefs undergo from selective amnesia, conveniently forgetting Macdouall-Gaye’s function in a regime that silenced dissent. Their excessive tolerance for presidency interference and brief recollections of previous oppression make one wonder if the rules of press freedom have been traded for political comfort or monetary acquire.

This brings us to the absurdity of getting each the GPU and NEPA. Two organizations, identical business, however what precisely is NEPA doing that GPU couldn’t? By present individually, they weaken the press as a complete. NEPA’s contentment with this break up exhibits that unity isn’t the precedence—it’s self-preservation. How handy that relating to media regulation and monetary perks, NEPA is at all times first in line to guard its personal pursuits, however when it’s time to sort out the true points—just like the legal guidelines that stifle free speech—they’re nowhere to be discovered.

In the top, NEPA’s assertion is nothing greater than a feeble try and salvage their tattered fame. They’ve squandered each alternative to struggle for press freedom, selecting as an alternative to play good with the powers that be. Now that the wolves are on the door, they’re screaming for mercy. But don’t be fooled. This isn’t about defending press freedom. It’s about defending their very own pursuits, and so they’ve proven they’ll promote out press freedom the second there’s cash on the desk.

So, to NEPA, we are saying this: Save your sanctimonious sermons for somebody who cares. The harm is finished, and no quantity of posturing can disguise the truth that when the second got here to struggle for the press, you selected to struggle for yourselves. Bravo. What a efficiency. Shame the curtain’s falling in your little act.

Chapter 8: Embargo on Broadcasting License

The story of media freedom in The Gambia since 2017 is one in every of contradictions—of progress stymied by retrogression, of hope sullied by bureaucratic and political constraints. Under President Adama Barrow, the Gambian media panorama skilled a promising renaissance. The new administration, in stark distinction to Yahya Jammeh’s oppressive regime, ushered in an period of optimism, and for a quick second, it appeared that press freedom had lastly discovered fertile floor. Yet, this progress is now in peril, with the embargo on broadcasting licenses, imposed by the Public Utilities Regulatory Authority (PURA) in 2021, undoing a lot of the nice that had been achieved in Barrow’s early days, particularly throughout the tenure of Demba Ali Jawo as Minister of Information, whose progressive media insurance policies resulted in a marked enlargement of the media sector. Jawo’s tenure noticed the relief of broadcasting laws, which facilitated the expansion of over 40 new radio stations and 6 tv channels. ​ The debut of QTV in 2017 as Gambia’s first non-public tv station signaled a tectonic shift within the media surroundings. No longer would GRTS, the state-controlled broadcaster, take pleasure in an uncontested monopoly. For the primary time, Gambians had been uncovered to a wider array of opinions, with discussions that challenged the federal government turning into a staple of radio and tv applications​.

But, because the floodgates opened, cracks began appearing. The fast enlargement of media shops led to licenses being awarded with out thorough vetting. Many of those new broadcasters lacked each the technical information and the monetary capability to function their stations successfully. This wave of unexpectedly assembled shops inevitably led to a degradation within the general high quality of broadcasting, with amateurism changing the professionalism {that a} free and accountable press requires​.

Faced with these penalties, the federal government’s response was to not recalibrate its insurance policies however to clamp down, imposing an embargo on new broadcasting licenses that has frozen out potential new entrants to the media panorama.

Adding to the complexity of this example is the rampant cronyism that has undermined the whole licensing course of. It has grow to be frequent information that most of the licenses issued throughout the preliminary interval had been awarded to the federal government’s associates and cronies, a lot of whom by no means even bothered to begin operations. Rather than constructing sustainable media shops, these people secured the licenses as speculative belongings. In an appalling twist, some at the moment are promoting these licenses to 3rd events for as a lot as 5 occasions their authorized value.

According to PURA laws, the price of acquiring a broadcasting license is roughly 100,000 dalasis. However, because of the lack of correct vetting and enforceable laws, some license holders are making the most of this by promoting their licenses for upwards of two million dalasis. This speculative buying and selling of licenses has solely exacerbated the unfairness within the media panorama. Instead of confiscating these licenses and opening the market to aggressive bidders, the federal government has chosen to eradicate competitors altogether by imposing the embargo​.

Furthermore, as an alternative of permitting candidates to comply with the correct authorized processes, many people now use their connections with authorities officers to bypass forms and safe licenses by way of the backdoor, reinforcing a tradition of patronage fairly than transparency.

The penalties of the embargo have been profound. Genuine media entrepreneurs—these with the abilities, capital, and professionalism to raise Gambian broadcasting—have been sidelined. The embargo has created an imbalanced taking part in discipline, the place poorly run stations that slipped by way of the regulatory cracks earlier than the freeze proceed to function, whereas new, probably extra certified operators stay locked out. The result’s a media panorama that’s stagnant, uncompetitive, and, in some instances, unprofessional​

In this context, the current rating of The Gambia by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), which locations the nation fiftieth out of 180 international locations within the 2023 World Press Freedom Index, seems deceptive. While the rating suggests progress in press freedom, it fails to seize a few of the vital challenges dealing with the Gambian media panorama at this time. The rating is flawed for a number of causes.

Firstly, it suffers from methodological bias, relying closely on surveys stuffed out by media professionals whose subjective experiences may not precisely replicate the broader scenario. Secondly, the index emphasizes notion over actuality, probably skewing the leads to areas the place media professionals are both overly optimistic or shielded from harsher realities. In the case of The Gambia, whereas sure authorized reforms, such because the Access to Information Act, have been adopted, a lot of Jammeh-era media legal guidelines—significantly these regarding defamation—stay on the books, casting a protracted shadow over real press freedom​.

Furthermore, press assaults and impunity stay a persistent drawback. Journalists nonetheless face threats and intimidation, typically from political actors or safety forces, and the dearth of accountability for these assaults has undermined the media’s function in holding energy to account. The index additionally tends to miss the persevering with authorized constraints, the place legal guidelines round legal defamation nonetheless enable political actors to stress journalists. The give attention to conventional media, comparable to print and radio, ignores the struggles of on-line media platforms, which play an more and more essential function in shaping public discourse in The Gambia​.

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The  Gambia Press Union (GPU) and far of the Gambian media have downplayed the implications of this embargo. Instead of elevating their voices in opposition, they’ve remained comparatively silent on what quantities to a direct assault on press freedom. While the media in any wholesome democracy could be anticipated to rally in opposition to such a restriction, the GPU’s muted response has been puzzling. Instead of elevating a clarion name to guard media range and progress, the union has supplied little resistance. This silence emboldens the federal government and threatens to undo years of progress​.

The freeze on new broadcasting licenses represents greater than only a regulatory hurdle; it’s, in impact, a type of censorship by omission. By limiting the variety of voices on the airwaves, the federal government is controlling the narrative. Without new media shops coming into the house, the voices that problem the established order are fewer, and the variety of views is drastically diminished. This narrowing of the general public discourse strikes on the coronary heart of The Gambia’s democratic aspirations. Democracy thrives on a multiplicity of voices, and the present embargo serves to silence a lot of them​.

The financial ramifications of this embargo are equally distressing. Radio and tv stations that had been poised to enter the market—or develop their operations—now discover themselves in limbo. Unable to safe licenses, they’re legally barred from working, which signifies that potential income streams have dried up. Smaller broadcasters, specifically, are feeling the pinch, as they typically lack the monetary reserves essential to survive extended intervals of inactivity. The embargo not solely limits the potential progress of the business but in addition threatens the monetary stability of broadcasters who can not afford to attend indefinitely for his or her licenses to be permitted​.

It is  additionally value mentioning that the embargo has broader implications for political house and competitors. As communication theorists comparable to McQuail have argued, media pluralism is essential for guaranteeing that no single perspective dominates public discourse. By stopping the emergence of latest media shops, the embargo entrenches the dominance of present gamers, a lot of whom have shut ties to the federal government. This consolidation of media energy stifles political competitors, as opposition voices wrestle to seek out platforms from which they will problem the state. In a democracy, the media serves as a important verify on authorities energy; when the media is weakened, so too is the democratic course of​.

In conclusion, the embargo on broadcasting licenses is eroding the hard-won positive factors that marked the early days of President Barrow’s administration. While The Gambia initially made vital strides in media freedom, the freeze on new licenses is undoing this progress, stifling progress, and limiting the variety of voices which might be important for a wholesome democracy. The want for a clear, honest, and constant licensing course of has by no means been extra pressing. Without such reforms, The Gambia dangers sliding again into the darker days of media repression, the place the free change of concepts was however a distant dream​.

Chapter 8:  Political fallout

In the chronicles of Gambian political historical past, few relationships have been as pivotal—and as precarious—because the one between the press and the presidency. Like uneasy dance companions, every depending on the opposite for validation and attain, their concord lasted so long as their pursuits aligned. For a time, President Adama Barrow and the nationwide media had been certain by a shared narrative of post-dictatorship optimism, of rebuilding a fractured nation with transparency and hope. But as with all political romances, the cracks started to indicate.

The honeymoon is over. The gloves are off. The as soon as cozy relationship between the Gambian President and the press has soured, reaching a brand new low as President Barrow launches his first lawsuit in opposition to The Voice newspaper. The catalyst? A single explosive story suggesting that Barrow had secretly chosen businessman Muhammed Jah as his successor, sparking outrage inside the presidential palace. What had as soon as been a fragile truce between the state and the media has now became a full-scale confrontation, with Barrow feeling betrayed by these as soon as trusted to report the information impartially. This single story, a seemingly innocuous headline, pushed President Barrow to the sting. Gone was the affected person statesman prepared to tolerate criticism, changed by a person now totally ready to wield the legislation as a weapon in opposition to the press. In his thoughts, this was not nearly false reporting—it was a direct problem to his authority, his integrity, and his political future.

The press, nevertheless, noticed it otherwise. To them, this was an all-out assault on freedom of speech, an try and silence an important watchdog establishment that held the highly effective accountable. The Voice, standing agency within the face of authorized threats, has grow to be the image of the Gambian press’s defiance. For them, this isn’t nearly defending one story or one paper—that is about defending journalism itself. By difficult Barrow, they’re combating to safeguard the very rules of democracy and free expression. To the press corps, the lawsuit is an act of desperation, a transfer that exhibits Barrow’s lack of ability to deal with dissent and criticism.

Whether President Barrow wins or loses the case, the harm has already been executed. His fame, as soon as fastidiously crafted as a reformer and champion of the folks, now lies in ruins. The very act of suing the press has solid a protracted shadow over his management, leaving many to query whether or not his presidency is crumbling underneath the burden of its personal contradictions. What follows is anybody’s guess. Some speculate that Barrow, backed right into a nook, will grow to be much more hostile in the direction of the media, utilizing authorized and political instruments to suppress dissent. Others imagine that the press will emerge stronger than ever, emboldened by their defiance. What is definite is that the connection between the presidency and the press has modified irrevocably. The belief, as soon as fragile however purposeful, has shattered.

The media will probably be watching Barrow’s each transfer with sharpened scrutiny, and Barrow, in flip, will view the press not as a companion in governance however as an enemy to be tamed. This story is way from over. It is a battle for the narrative, a battle for the reality, and, above all, a battle for management over Gambia’s political future. As the courtroom turns into the brand new theatre of conflict, the nation watches, uncertain of what is going to emerge from the wreckage of this damaged relationship between energy and the pen.

The actual lesson right here is that each the press and the presidency should rise above this petty squabble. The press should attempt for accuracy and accountability, and the presidency should be taught to reply with poise, not petulance. The Gambia deserves a media that speaks fact to energy and a management that respects the function of the press in a democratic society. But sadly, the Gambian media, removed from being the watchdog of society, has grow to be extra like a lapdog, all too prepared to lick the boots of the highly effective in change for scraps. The dependence on authorities and company promoting has turned newsrooms into echo chambers of those that pay probably the most. This is just not journalism—it’s a grotesque parody of the free press, the place the reality is offered to the very best bidder.

So what’s the answer? The Gambian press wants to recollect its function because the fourth property, not because the fifth column of the highly effective. It wants to interrupt free from the chains of monetary dependency and editorial cowardice. It must reclaim its place because the voice of the folks, not the mouthpiece of politicians and enterprise tycoons. It’s time for a brand new period of journalism in The Gambia, one which honors the rules of fact, accountability, and public service.

In the grander scheme of issues, this debacle ought to function a wake-up name for the Gambian authorized and media communities. For the legal professionals, it’s a name to raise their follow, to embrace the pains of public service and to desert the pursuit of revenue over public curiosity—as Ida Drammeh and Associates are nothing however mercenary legal professionals who’ve lowered their occupation to a market of offers fairly than justice. For the media, it’s a reminder of the significance of accuracy and integrity in reporting. And for the President, it is a chance to reassess his method to governance, to know that management is just not about silencing critics however about addressing the considerations of the folks with dignity and respect. In the ultimate evaluation, it’s the public belief that’s eroded, the democratic beliefs which might be undermined, and the way forward for a free and vibrant press that hangs within the steadiness.

Chapter 9: The West’s Double Standard

The story of worldwide diplomacy is commonly one in every of selective morality—the place the banners of democracy, human rights, and press freedom are waved proudly when it fits the agendas of highly effective states, solely to be quietly folded away when the identical rules grow to be inconvenient. In a world ruled not by beliefs however by pursuits, international locations like The Gambia discover themselves as pawns in a recreation far bigger than their borders. Beneath the veneer of world concern for human rights lies a extra cynical actuality: one through which strategic alliances, financial leverage, and geopolitical maneuvering take priority over the very freedoms they purport to defend. Under Yahya Jammeh, The Gambia was a simple goal for worldwide condemnation—a defiant, rogue regime that openly challenged Western powers. Every infringement on press freedom, each act of repression was handled as a worldwide outrage, a rallying cry for embassies and overseas governments to chastise a authorities that dared to defy their expectations. Yet, because the political panorama shifted with the arrival of Adama Barrow, a stark and unsettling transformation occurred. The worldwide group’s righteous indignation, as soon as so vociferously directed at Jammeh’s excesses, all of a sudden gave option to deafening silence as Barrow continued the exact same suppression of the press, this time underneath a extra palatable guise. The change was not born of progress or an enchancment within the state of media freedom, however fairly a recalibration of Western pursuits—pursuits that now present in Barrow a extra compliant companion, prepared to play the function of a pawn of their broader geopolitical recreation.

Yahya Jammeh was not simply one other strongman. He styled himself as a Pan-Africanist, an African chief who wouldn’t bow to Western powers, and who noticed himself as a defender of Africa’s dignity and sovereignty. His rule, whereas marred by repression, was additionally characterised by his relentless opposition to Western cultural impositions—significantly the legalization of homosexuality. Jammeh’s rhetoric in opposition to LGBTQ+ rights was not restricted to the nationwide stage. At the United Nations, he delivered fiery speeches denouncing what he noticed as Western ethical decay, steadfastly refusing to permit The Gambia to be “recolonized” by way of the acceptance of overseas values. For Jammeh, homosexuality represented a risk to the ethical cloth of Gambian society, and his authorities made no concessions to the rising stress from worldwide organizations. The West was infuriated by this defiance, portray Jammeh as a pariah.

Contrast this with President Adama Barrow, whose administration has quietly opened the door to Western affect in change for monetary help. Barrow, in contrast to Jammeh, has chosen to align himself with European Union pursuits, permitting himself to be molded by overseas calls for. The billions of dalasis in help which have flowed into The Gambia underneath Barrow’s administration include strings hooked up. The West, by way of its growth applications, has subtly pressed for reforms, together with the acceptance of LGBTQ+ rights and different progressive beliefs. While Barrow has not publicly embraced these insurance policies, his authorities has been greater than prepared to accommodate Western agendas behind the scenes. This willingness to conform has successfully purchased Barrow a defend from the identical worldwide scrutiny that Jammeh confronted. The silence of the West within the face of Barrow’s more and more authoritarian tendencies echoes related instances in world diplomacy, the place human rights violations are tolerated so long as the offending regime serves a higher geopolitical function. A living proof is the U.S.’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, the place strategic alliances within the oil-rich Middle East take priority over democratic rules. Despite the homicide of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, a vocal critic of the Saudi authorities, in a Saudi consulate, the worldwide response—particularly from the U.S.—was tepid at greatest. Saudi Arabia’s significance as a significant arms purchaser and regional energy meant that outrage over Khashoggi’s assassination was tempered by financial and strategic calculations. The identical might be stated of Barrow’s Gambia, the place the worldwide group overlooks media repression as a result of  the present president is definitely manipulated and prepared to do their bidding in change for European Union help.

This rising compliance will be seen clearly in Barrow’s willingness to stifle important media. The ongoing lawsuit in opposition to The Voice newspaper is without doubt one of the most obvious examples of how Barrow has adopted in Jammeh’s footsteps relating to media suppression. The Voice, a distinguished outlet important of the federal government, is dealing with a politically motivated lawsuit designed to cripple it financially and silence its dissent. The lawsuit is a direct assault on press freedom, but the worldwide group has remained silent. Under Jammeh, such a transfer would have prompted rapid condemnations from overseas embassies and worldwide organizations. But Barrow, taking part in the function of the compliant ally, has managed to keep away from the identical degree of scrutiny. This is paying homage to Egypt’s therapy of important media underneath President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the place Western powers flip a blind eye to the jailing of journalists as a result of Egypt serves their strategic pursuits within the Middle East.

The closure of The Daily Observer in 2017 was one more chapter in Barrow’s suppression of the media. The official purpose for the shutdown was tax evasion, however it was broadly understood that the newspaper was focused for its important stance in the direction of Barrow’s administration. Once an important voice throughout Jammeh’s regime, The Daily Observer was silenced underneath the guise of monetary impropriety. The West, as soon as vocal about press freedom in The Gambia, once more remained silent, simply because it did when Turkey’s Erdoğan shut down dozens of important media shops following a failed coup in 2016. Both actions had been about silencing dissent underneath the duvet of legality, and in each instances, the worldwide group prioritized its relationships with compliant regimes over defending press freedom.

The suppression of personal radio stations has additionally grow to be an indicator of Barrow’s rule. Since 2021 his administration has imposed an efficient embargo on the issuance of latest broadcasting licenses. The transfer has prevented impartial voices from rising within the media panorama, stifling any new opposition that might problem the federal government’s narrative. By withholding these licenses, Barrow has ensured that the media panorama stays dominated by pro-government shops, stopping any contemporary, impartial voices from rising to problem the established order. This is a traditional authoritarian tactic, one perfected by regimes like Putin’s in Russia, the place management over broadcasting licenses is used to stifle dissent and preserve a decent grip on energy. Yet, whereas the West typically decries these ways when employed by geopolitical adversaries, there was no such criticism of Barrow’s embargo. The worldwide group is content material to let Barrow comply with in Putin’s footsteps, so long as he continues to play by their guidelines.

 Physical assaults on journalists have additionally grow to be a disturbing development underneath Barrow’s rule. In November 2019, three journalists working for Kerr Fatou, The Gambia Talent Promotion, and Paradise Radio had been assaulted by members of the Barrow Youth Movement (BYM) and the Barrow Fans Club on the Janjanbureh Ferry Crossing Point. The journalists had been documenting the discontent of a mob who had been indignant over transportation points after paying to comply with the president’s tour. What adopted was nothing wanting a violent assault on the press: Ebrahim Jambang had his digital camera snatched and destroyed, whereas Sally Jobe was bodily assaulted by a authorities translator. These assaults on the press had been clear violations of media freedom, but the response from the worldwide group was mute. Had these assaults occurred underneath Jammeh, they might have prompted a global outcry, with human rights organizations demanding accountability. But with Barrow in energy, the identical watchdogs that when cried foul now stay silent, unwilling to jeopardize their strategic partnership with The Gambia.

The West’s hypocrisy is additional exemplified in Barrow’s dealing with of The Gambia’s non-public radio stations. In addition to the embargo on broadcasting licenses, Barrow’s administration has additionally focused present non-public radio stations with harassment, threats, and arbitrary fines. These stations, which had been as soon as a beacon of impartial journalism underneath Jammeh’s regime, at the moment are being squeezed out of existence by a authorities that has mastered the artwork of sentimental repression. Instead of outright shutting down these shops, Barrow’s administration has used regulatory instruments to bleed them dry, slowly suffocating them underneath the burden of compliance calls for and monetary penalties. Again, the worldwide group, which had as soon as been so vocal about press freedom underneath Jammeh, stays silent.

Barrow’s submission to Western calls for is just not restricted to his home media insurance policies. On the worldwide stage, Barrow has allowed The Gambia for use as a pawn within the European Union’s efforts to manage migration. The EU’s refugee repatriation settlement, which facilitates the pressured return of Gambian asylum seekers, was a betrayal of those that fled throughout Jammeh’s rule. Rather than standing up for his folks, Barrow selected to adjust to the EU’s calls for, buying and selling human rights for monetary help. Journalists who criticized the deal confronted harassment, but the West as soon as once more turned a blind eye. The scenario mirrors the West’s therapy of Israel’s crackdown on journalists within the Palestinian territories—when strategic pursuits are at stake, press freedom is conveniently ignored.

In a nutshell, the West’s double customary in its therapy of The Gambia underneath Barrow is a part of a broader sample of selective outrage in worldwide diplomacy. When leaders like Jammeh problem Western pursuits, their human rights abuses are loudly condemned. But when leaders like Barrow align themselves with Western geopolitical and financial goals, their violations of press freedom are ignored. This hypocrisy is just not distinctive to The Gambia—it’s a recurring theme in world affairs, the place the protection of democracy and human rights is commonly sacrificed in favor of strategic alliances. As lengthy as Barrow continues to play his function within the West’s broader geopolitical recreation, his suppression of the press will probably be met with nothing greater than silence.

But how lengthy will the West’s silence final? History has proven repeatedly that tender leaders typically harden into despots when left unchecked. Today, Barrow is merely suing journalists and shutting newspapers, however what occurs when that isn’t sufficient? One needn’t look too far into world historical past to seek out chilling parallels. In Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe started his reign with discuss of reconciliation and nation-building, solely to grow to be one in every of Africa’s most brutal dictators. Under his rule, the once-prosperous nation descended into financial destroy, and journalists who dared to talk out had been imprisoned, tortured, or worse. The flames of authoritarianism typically begin small—a newspaper sued right here, a radio station silenced there—however they will shortly grow to be an inferno of oppression. Barrow is already strolling down this well-worn path, and until the West acts now, we might quickly see a Gambia the place journalists are usually not solely sued however summarily executed, and the place newspapers are usually not solely closed however burned to the bottom.

It has occurred earlier than, and it may occur once more. The burning of The Independent newspaper in 2004 underneath Jammeh’s regime stands as a haunting reminder of what lies forward if the worldwide group continues to show a blind eye to Barrow’s creeping authoritarianism. The Jammeh period noticed the homicide of journalists like Pa Omar Barrow of Sud FM and Chief Ebrima Manneh, who mysteriously disappeared after being arrested by state brokers and was by no means seen once more. Deyda Hydara, one other journalist, was gunned down in chilly blood for daring to report the reality. Is The Gambia now set to revisit these darkish days? Barrow is inching nearer to the purpose of no return, and the West’s indifference is lighting the way in which. It is time for the worldwide group to take a stand—earlier than Barrow totally embraces the instruments of dictatorship. Failure to behave now won’t solely embolden his regime however will even be sure that The Gambia’s fragile democracy collapses, taking with it the very freedoms the West claims to defend.

Chapter 10: The Road Ahead  

The highway forward for the Gambian press is fraught with challenges, however it’s also crammed with alternatives for transformation. Rebuilding public belief within the media would require a concerted effort to maneuver past the political video games and moral compromises of the previous. Journalists, editors, and media house owners should recommit to the core values of transparency, independence, and accountability if they’re to regain the boldness of the folks.

The media should extricate itself from the political entanglements which have compromised its integrity. While financial survival is a actuality that can not be ignored, the media should discover methods to stay impartial in each spirit and follow. This consists of diversifying income streams to scale back reliance on authorities funding and company sponsorships that include strings hooked up. Financial independence is essential to editorial freedom, and media homes should discover choices comparable to reader subscriptions, crowdfunding, and partnerships with worldwide non-governmental organizations that help press freedom.

Strengthening journalistic requirements is one other important element of rebuilding belief. The Gambian media panorama has been tormented by a scarcity of rigorous fact-checking, sensationalism, and an overreliance on unverified sources. To handle this, media shops should put money into coaching applications for journalists to boost their expertise in investigative reporting, information journalism, and moral practices. By adhering to greater requirements of accuracy and objectivity, the media can start to rebuild its credibility with the general public.

The function of media unions and regulatory our bodies, such because the Gambia Press Union and the Ministry of Information, can’t be understated. These establishments should take a extra proactive stance in upholding journalistic ethics and holding media practitioners accountable for violations. The Gambia Press Union, specifically, should implement its code of conduct constantly and be sure that journalists who interact in unethical habits are penalized. Establishing clear penalties for breaches of journalistic integrity will assist restore public confidence within the media as a reliable establishment.

Collaboration between conventional media and impartial on-line platforms may play a major function in revitalizing the media panorama. Independent on-line media have introduced a contemporary perspective and have typically been on the forefront of holding these in energy accountable. By fostering partnerships between legacy media and these new platforms, the Gambian press can create a extra strong and numerous ecosystem that serves the general public curiosity. Such collaborations may assist bridge the hole between older audiences who depend on conventional media and youthful, tech-savvy audiences who eat information on-line.

Media literacy applications are important for empowering the general public to critically assess the knowledge they eat. In an period of misinformation and pretend information, equipping residents with the abilities to tell apart between credible journalism and disinformation is essential. The media, in partnership with academic establishments and civil society organizations, ought to lead initiatives to advertise media literacy, serving to the general public grow to be extra discerning shoppers of stories. This won’t solely improve the standard of public discourse but in addition maintain media organizations accountable to greater requirements.

The Barrow administration should even be held accountable for its actions, and the press should demand the liberty it was promised. The authorities has a accountability to respect press freedom and create an surroundings the place journalists can function with out concern of retribution. This consists of repealing draconian legal guidelines that limit freedom of expression and guaranteeing that journalists are shielded from harassment and intimidation. A free and impartial press is important for a functioning democracy, and the federal government should play its half in safeguarding this pillar of society.

To obtain lasting change, the tradition inside media organizations should additionally evolve. Media house owners and executives should prioritize journalistic integrity over short-term monetary positive factors or political affect. This cultural shift requires a dedication to the values of public service journalism—serving the general public curiosity fairly than the pursuits of highly effective people or entities. By fostering a newsroom tradition that values fact, accountability, and independence, media organizations can start to rebuild the general public’s belief.

Ultimately, the trail ahead for the Gambian press would require a collective effort. Journalists, editors, media house owners, unions, regulatory our bodies, the federal government, and the general public all have a task to play in rebuilding belief. It is barely by way of a shared dedication to the core values of transparency, independence, and accountability that the Gambian press can actually fulfill its function as a watchdog, holding energy to account and contributing to the event of a democratic society. The rise of impartial on-line platforms, mixed with a renewed dedication to moral journalism, provides hope that The Gambia can foster a free and impartial press—one able to serving the folks and strengthening the foundations of democracy.

Editor’s Note:

This is an abridged model of The Curtain Falls on the Press and Presidency Relationship—Barrow Goes Berserk by Arfang Madi Sillah. The textual content has been shortened to boost readability and conciseness. The paperback and hardcover editions will quickly be out there in native shops, comparable to Timbuktu Books in The Gambia. Sillah’s incisive evaluation and compelling narrative type make this an instantaneous page-turner. His vivid portrayal of the tensions between the press and the presidency is each enlightening and fascinating, offering readers with a front-row seat to the unfolding political drama.