Benin’s Constitutional Crossroads: The Controversial Push for a Senate of ‘Elders’

In the heart of West Africa, a constitutional debate is unfolding that could reshape Benin’s democratic landscape for generations to come. While the nation grapples with pressing challenges in healthcare, education, and youth employment, a proposed constitutional revision has ignited fierce controversy across political lines. At the center of this debate stands a fundamental question: does Benin need a Senate composed largely of former leaders and appointed figures to ensure stability, or would such an institution undermine the very democratic principles the country has worked to establish?

The Genesis of a Constitutional Debate

On October 31, 2025, two parliamentarians from the presidential majority—Assan Séïbou of the Republican Bloc and Natondé Aké of the Progressive Union for Renewal—submitted a constitutional revision proposal to Parliament that would fundamentally alter Benin’s political architecture. The cornerstone of their proposal? The creation of a Senate, an institution they argue would fill what they describe as an “institutional void” that has persisted since the National Conference of 1990.

Assan Séïbou defends the concept as an “institution of wise elders,” capable of mediating national tensions and providing counsel during crises. “Whenever there’s a difficult situation, we turn to our former heads of state… We need to find a crucible where they can all come together. And that’s called the Senate,” he declared, emphasizing the need to provide an official framework for these former leaders whose interventions currently occur “informally and without institutional anchoring.”

Meanwhile, Natondé Aké presents the project as a natural democratic evolution, describing the proposed Senate as “the upper house of Parliament” that would offer “a more just, balanced, and thorough reading of laws,” particularly those touching on sensitive political matters. In his vision, this second chamber would enhance legislative quality and prevent hasty adoption of certain reforms.

Architecting a New Political Structure

Key Provisions of the Proposed Legislation

The constitutional amendment proposal contains several significant changes to Benin’s 1990 constitutional framework:

Political Truce (Article 5-1): This provision would establish a period of “truce from political competition activities” following presidential elections. During this time, political parties would be required to support the president’s actions, and “political debate for competitive purposes would be suspended.” The Senate would be tasked with ensuring compliance with this rule.

Presidential Oath and Property Rights: The revised Article 22 specifies that the presidential oath would now be received “by the Constitutional Court and the Senate,” signaling the elevated status of the new chamber.

Senate Creation (Title V): The text outlines the Senate’s missions, including “guaranteeing the safeguarding and strengthening of national development achievements, defense of territory, and public security,” ensuring political stability and “continuity of the State.” It would promote political values and customs favoring the nation’s supreme interest, social unity and cohesion, and sustainable development. In legislative matters, it would have a priori deliberation power over “political bills or proposals” (organization of power, public finances, security). It could request a second reading of any law passed by the National Assembly.

Senate Composition: The proposed Senate would consist primarily of “ex officio members” without election. These would include former presidents of the Republic, former presidents of the National Assembly, former presidents of the Constitutional Court, and former chiefs of staff of defense and security forces. To these would be added members appointed by the president of the Republic and the president of the National Assembly. No senator could be older than 90 years (extended to 95 for ex officio members already aged at installation).

The Philosophical Divide: Wisdom Versus Democracy

Proponents of the Senate proposal argue that it would rationalize the informal arrangements currently in place. Assan Séïbou emphasizes the frequent recourse to former leaders as “experienced resource persons” during national crises. According to him, the absence of an official institutional framework for these consultations creates a vacuum that needs filling: “There’s something missing in the country’s institutional setup.”

More broadly, supporters speak of “political stability,” unity, and consensus. They contend that the Senate would guarantee state continuity, national cohesion, and a less “politically motivated” debate focused on development. In their view, it’s also a way to valorize the experience of former presidents and senior officials in steering the country.

On the legislative front, they stress the Senate’s arbitration role. It would examine political laws a priori (organization of powers, security, budget) to provide expertise and could request renewed consideration of laws already adopted by deputies if necessary. Natondé Aké notes that in “almost all countries worldwide,” a Senate serves as Parliament’s upper house, allowing more thorough examination of texts. In essence, it would be an “organ that’s been missing” from Benin’s legislative corpus.

The Opposition’s Alarm: Democratic Backsliding or Political Power Grab?

The proposal has sparked vigorous criticism from opposition parties and civil society. The Democrats, the main opposition party led by former president Boni Yayi, formally reject the revision. Party spokesperson Guy Dossou Mitokpè denounces the initiative as “inopportune” and failing to reflect “either the aspirations of the Beninese people or the requirements of pluralistic democracy.” He calls on his party members to oppose any modification of the fundamental law in the current climate.

Other observers condemn what they see as the anti-democratic spirit of certain measures. Political analyst Christian Kindjanhoundé expresses concern about both the “timing” of this project at the end of the presidential term and its high budgetary cost. He particularly criticizes Article 5-1, which requires parties to “converge” toward the elected president’s action at the expense of suspending contradictory debate. For him, this “closes avenues of breathing” and restricts “the expression of divergent opinions, essential to any democratic system.”

This logic of hereditary power worries other citizens who believe Benin “doesn’t need a Senate” given its size and the already “significant” importance of the National Assembly. These critics fear the new chamber would unduly increase the political weight of former heads of state rejected by the people. Several call on President Talon not to promulgate the law even if passed, qualifying it as an electoral power grab.

The tone grows increasingly alarmist as some opponents see in this revision a maneuver to lock down power before the 2026 presidential election. Former presidential candidate Daniel Edah, in an open letter, depicts the project as an attempt to “muzzle the people” and establish a “system of political monolithism sadly reminiscent” of the former Marxist regime. He asserts it would create “lifetime advantages for those to whom the country has already given everything, and offer political refuge to those rejected by the people.” Edah further accuses the project of fostering “institutional instability and legal insecurity,” arguing it would destroy democratic confidence and potentially discourage foreign investment.

A Unique Model in Regional Context

Benin’s proposal diverges from usual practices in the region. While several African states have upper houses, their composition differs significantly. In many democracies (Nigeria, South Africa, etc.), the Senate is an elected assembly or stems from federalism. In other countries, the Senate has a more symbolic or corporatist role.

Rwanda, for example, is bicameral and exceptionally allows former heads of state to become senators upon their request. But they only sit if they formally ask to do so—it’s not automatic. In this spirit, Benin’s proposal distances itself from the Rwandan option by automatically integrating all ex-presidents into the Senate.

Senegal provides another instructive example. The country once had a Senate but abolished it to reduce public expenditures. Created in 1999, the Senegalese Senate was abolished in 2001, reinstated in 2007, then abolished again in 2012 under Macky Sall to save its budget. This case proves that bicameralism isn’t considered indispensable everywhere in West Africa, especially for smaller countries.

Thus, Benin’s proposed Senate resembles advisory chambers of former leaders (like the “Senate” of Congo-Brazzaville, where the current president is a lifetime member) more than a classic upper house. Notably, countries with presidential regimes rarely establish senates with non-elected members, as this creates dual legislative power.

The Broader Implications: Democracy at a Crossroads

As Benin stands at this constitutional crossroads, the debate transcends technical discussions about governance structures. It touches on fundamental questions about the nature of democracy, the balance between experience and popular representation, and the very definition of political wisdom in a modern African state.

What constitutes true political stability? Is it found in the measured counsel of experienced elders, or in the vibrant—if sometimes chaotic—expression of popular will through elected representatives? Can a nation formalize the role of its “wise ones” without creating an undemocratic elite class? These questions resonate beyond Benin’s borders, speaking to broader tensions across African democracies navigating their post-colonial political evolution.

The outcome of this debate will likely influence not only Benin’s immediate political future but also its trajectory as a democratic model in West Africa. As citizens, politicians, and civil society organizations engage with these proposals, they’re effectively determining what kind of democracy Benin will become—one that privileges stability through elite consensus, or one that embraces the messier but more representative nature of popular sovereignty.

One thing remains certain: the conversation about Benin’s Senate represents more than a simple institutional adjustment. It’s a profound meditation on the meaning of democracy itself in the 21st century African context.

This article is based on original reporting from Benin Web TV. Full credit goes to the original source. We invite our readers to explore the original article for more insights directly from the source. (Source)